Thirty years after the first victory to Politics and almost one from death, it is fair to ask what Silvio Berlusconi’s legacy is. In things and in men. While “its” Forza Italia, following the principles of guaranteeist inspiration – ignore for a moment Chinnici’s arrival and the pillorying of Mayor Decaro – snatched from Meloni the introduction of psycho-aptitude tests for access to the judiciary, the party has no longer managed to express charismatic figures who know how to interpret its battles with the same tone. The Azzurri have changed a while ago, that is, since – with Cav. alive – they became subordinate first to Salvini and then to Meloni. They risked disappearing and have not yet averted the danger, since from time to time the hypothesis of a new entry into the field arises: of their son Piersilvio.
But it is a fact that the ex prime minister and beloved founder, who passed away in June last year, was unable to “raise” a ruling class capable of standing on its own two feet or lending its voice to its revolution. The great examinations on the “profound change” brought about by FI to the system today are a off topic. Because in fact Forza Italia no longer exists; and more. Take Sicily: there is not a single initiative from the party, which also governs the Region, capable of leaving its mark. Schifani is a president who lives on “I would like but I can’t”, on pending announcements, on half-finished commitments. He is capable of giving the party a dirigiste imprint, but incapable of holding together a coalition which has emerged crumbled from the test of the chamber.
The governor leads troops which never belonged to him, to whom he never gave anything and from whom he received obedience in return. The end of the Micciché era brought with it a company of ingrates, ready to take advantage of the moment to jump off the moving bus. And end up on a nice big wagon: that of the President of the Region, who was placed there, to guard the Palazzo d’Orleans, by a clever move (but up to a certain point) by Ignazio La Russa. Schifani doesn’t govern because Forza Italia wanted him to; but because it was Fratelli d’Italia who identified it as the most useful spare part after scrapping Musumeci. And this, in itself, represents and will represent a point of weakness for all five years. Yet there are those in the party who follow him because they can’t do anything else: the few who had decided, after the split in Forza Italia, to side with the old leader in ruins, had no choice but to adapt to the times, correct the aim of the declarations and go straight. They will betray again if necessary.
These are councilors, deputies and bread makers. All for one and one for all. But that guy isn’t Berlusconi. He is a president who does not like to make others appear, who suffers from the method of comparison, who struggles to swallow criticism. For this reason, within his own party, he preferred to create a protective buffer for himself. Entrusting the keys to his ventriloquist, former provincial commissioner of Italia Viva in Palermo, as well as head of his private secretariat: Marcello Caruso. Very faithful profession. But then there are the others, those who praise him and don’t let go for an instant. Making him believe he is the best. But they nevertheless got caught in the net and never missed an opportunity to embarrass him.
Take Gaetano Armao, a repentant rival in the last elections: he obtained the position of super consultant, for 60 thousand euros a year, for extra-regional funds (a sort of surrogate for the Economic Councilor Falcone); and then, as if that wasn’t enough, he was appointed to the top of the Specialist Technical Commission which – among the many environmental authorizations – also issues opinions on waste-to-energy plants. And here the unlikely happens: while Schifani is fighting for two public plants, the Cts gives a positive opinion to the project by SI Energy, which would like to build a private one in Catania. A bad impression without consequences. Schifani is only patient with those he knows he cannot defeat.
Another one who put it Andrea Peria, who emerged from Micciché’s squadron and passed under the presidential banner on the eve of the last electoral campaign, is clearly in difficulty. The doubt of a revocation of funding for the Symphony (up to a maximum of 11 million) was not enough to make him desist from the role of superintendent, one of the many he has received in recent months. The organizer of the parties, cinema entrepreneur and member of Unioncamere, is also president of Corecom. A superman who, despite Nietzsche, is a rookie. He is accused of a flaw in legitimacy – according to a 2012 law “the positions of superintendent of theater entities financed by the Region” have an “exclusivity” nature and the related compensation is “all-inclusive” – which risks ruining the orchestra of the Politeama. But on top of that, no one lifts a finger.
Schifani is not a guy I’m sorry. He plays the strong with the weak (he blacklisted a manager and sued a company for having been late in delivering the works on the Utveggio Castle in Palermo), but he is not discomposed in the face of the opacity of the Tourism department or the dominant position of Sac, the management company of Catania airport, which no one – among its staff and its government – had the courage to antagonize, or even just to contest, in the aftermath of the fire last July, which cost Sicily a very painful damage to one’s image. Nope.
This is Forza Italia in Sicily. A supine party. A company of sketches that the president doesn’t seem to want to get rid of. But whose inadequacy is reflected – all of it – on his actions. On the judgment that the Sicilians will have of him. The Health Councilor, Giovanna Volo, has not given any satisfaction in these fifteen months of government. Rather, she was the material executor of the choice of eighteen healthcare managers, some profoundly inadequate. Thanks to Volo and her lack of charisma, there will continue to be Faraoni at the Asp of Palermo, Walter Messina at the ‘Civico’ (despite the two commissionerships at Villa Sofia) etc. It is thanks to the management of councilor Volo that public health has lost ground and even those who have agreements with them can glimpse the chasm.
During the Schifani era, furthermore, Sicily has turned into a parking lot for the privileged: the first to win in politics was Marta Fascina, former partner of the Cav., who before being elected to the Marsala constituency, had been there half a time as a child (it’s true that they nominated her as a favor to Berlusconi, but at least once they could have expected her to leave Arcore to drop by); then came Michela Brambilla, Stefania Craxi and finally Caterina Chinnici. What a Sicilian she is, for goodness sake. But also a former member of the Democratic Party, who at the last Regional elections – where she ran for governor – asked for and obtained the exclusion of Peppino Lupo on the basis of the ‘moral question’ (Lupo was recently acquitted of corruption charges). Chinnici is the one who crossed Cuffaro’s path, together with Tajani, because he would have trouble rehabilitating (politically) a former prisoner. She and she too is the one who could drain votes from the Berlusconi supporters not on the basis of political merits, or passionate militancy, but rather of a family history – very respectable – which has nothing to do with that of the Azzurri. Looking at this merciless picture, perhaps Berlusconi did something wrong too.
