Only a few hours had passed since the televised debate between the two candidates for the White House, when Xi Jinping appeared in the Great Hall of the People in Tiananmen Square.
The world still has before its eyes the unedifying figure of Joe Biden and a “challenge between elders” that, according to the popular nationalist commentator Hu Xijin, “is bad publicity for Western democracy”. With a timing that is nothing short of convenient, the Chinese president launches his “global” program in a long speech at the opening of the conference for the 70th anniversary of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. Those five principles have been the cornerstone of Chinese foreign policy since 1954, when they first appeared in an exchange and dialogue agreement with India through the autonomous region of Tibet. It is what the Chinese media presents as a sort of “antidote to the “chaos” and “decadence” of American politics, which from Beijing seems destined for a new moment of confusion due to the elections.
Today, between the war in Ukraine and the conflict in the Middle East, China feels that it is time to bring those five principles to the global stage. They are, after all, the basis of the positions expressed by Beijing on all international crises in recent years. Their creator, the then Premier Zhou Enlai, already referred to “mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence.” A terminology omnipresent in Chinese diplomatic action.
Xi, however, elevates those five principles to make China a sort of “lighthouse” of the so-called global South, which he addressed several times in his speech, defining it as “a vital force in promoting human progress”. The establishment of a research center on emerging countries has been announced, to which one thousand scholarships and one hundred thousand training opportunities will be dedicated over the next five years. There is also a political connection aspect, as a program for young leaders will be launched.
When he talks about reforming international governance, Xi thinks of the role of the expanded BRICS, which are increasingly attracting countries from the global South, including China’s Asian neighbors. In recent weeks, Thailand and Malaysia have announced their application to join the platform, which Beijing has increasingly openly described as a more “fair and inclusive” model than US-led “small circles” like the G7.
Xi guaranteed that China “will not follow the wrong path that leads to the pursuit of hegemony”, a blame that is usually attributed to Washington, arguing that Beijing “plays a constructive role” in Ukraine and in the Middle East. It is no mystery that Xi, whose presence at the Brazilian G20 in November has just been made official, is aiming with Lula for a second peace conference also recognized by Moscow.
Also listening to the Chinese president’s speech were several former Western leaders, including Massimo D’Alema and Dominique de Villepin. Xi also promised “major global reforms” aimed at “expanding openness and forming a more market-oriented economic environment.” An attempt at reassurance in view of the crucial third Plenum of the Communist Party in mid-July, in which economic policies for the coming years will be prepared. Even more so after the debate between Biden and Trump, China is trying to present itself as a responsible power, in contrast to an America portrayed as increasingly older and confused.
