The regret remains. If they had let her do it. Schlein leaders everywhere. The name in the symbol. Elly had guessed it. And we had strongly advised her to do so. Because the way of polarizing the vote on the two female leaderships, government and opposition, would have warmed minds. Once upon a time. You won Meloni and not Fratelli d’Italia. Schlein won. And then part of the Democratic Party. Not those who in these months of electoral campaign, instead of helping the secretary, did everything to stop her. Oppose it. Boycott it. Prepare a ready-to-use replacement.
How many voters from the North have I met, who abstained but would have voted for Schlein, who stayed at home because she wasn’t on the ballot. It’s still. The endless moralizing mental nonsense about the deception perpetrated against the voters, the secretary candidate for the European seat that she would never have occupied. Instead she stands straight. She knew she was playing her debut match. She didn’t hold back. Far and wide across Italy. On TV. On newspaper. The European elections were an opportunity to make yourself known. Leadership matters. The I, the we, the collective. Words in the wind. Ultranee. This is why the secretary of the Democratic Party wanted to show her face. She took home a half-way win over the lineup. Very naive in some cases. You have not clearly defined your position on the war in Ukraine, and it is a price you have paid (Italy has the highest number of abstentions). Mediating with positions, including Bonaccini, which say nothing. Suspended. Send weapons to Zelensky and start peace negotiations. The Moretti sentiment ‘do you notice me more if I come or if I don’t come?’.
Today Schlein has the strength to adjust this ambiguous position. And the left-wing majority asks for definitive words from the largest party on the left, not from the 5 Stars, Bonelli or Santoro. Because it takes broad shoulders, inserted into robust European families to change direction. With a Democratic Party that is the party with the most votes in the large socialist group you can count. Starting from the observation that the failed thrust of Macron-Scholz, for an escalation without corrections, only puts European citizens in danger (Meloni has paid nothing in votes because Italy counts for nothing in the ongoing conflict) . A brake must be put on. Even towards Biden. I have heard many Western entrepreneurs say enough, the United States can’t ask us for anything else. Because then the reasons for the defeat of France and Germany can be read in the social tensions chapter. Extended and deep-rooted economic crisis. Fired by the war with outbreaks everywhere. Witnessing games of war tension that continued over time, behind infinite relaunches, setting up war scenarios for democracy in the world, the desired approximation in celebrating events (the Normandy landings) opportunities to rewrite history, forgetting that the Soviet Union had winning the Second World War with the greatest sacrifice of human lives, and firing verbal bombs like those of Biden, Putin and Hitler, pursuing the idea of a struggle of civilizations, is harmful. Ideological and destructive.
Before making alliances and getting to work on the next commission, the socialist family, with Schlein as the first shareholder, must aim for this, close the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and, perhaps, redraft some drafts of the green deal, put an end to the succession of diktats at upcoming deadlines. Lots of stuff. Too much. The European Union should rewrite itself. Leave plenty of ballast. Degrease your skills and objectives. Lose weight. By a lot. The United States of Europe will never be created. As well as the little story of common defense. Perhaps coordination between nations. But that’s already there. It’s NATO. Which would need to be fixed too.
The first one was good. For Schlein. Who has to put the wide field back in order. The coalition to come. The policies. For which we need to prepare from today. The issues on which he fought in the electoral campaign, wages and healthcare, are those that affect people the most. We are the pure left-wing party. Alright then. But that is not the main problem of the centre-left. It is the bigino of warnings, of the rules of being together. Given that the Democratic Party is the first, the largest of the parties, agreed it is not written, but it should be written, after the vote the leader of the largest party will be the prime minister. As in the center-right. At this point the other aspirants will say: the program! Here it depends on how to create the coalition which both Renzi and Calenda will necessarily approach (now in the gray area ‘no tripe ffor cats’) and at that point it is to be hoped that another leg, capped why not by a weighty name, to which you cannot say no, is feasible.
Finally, Schlein is left to take a look at the party. Broken into pieces. Imbued with currents and eternal aspirants. Given the trend, they either collaborate, help, finally, or find other forms of self-satisfaction. It will be a tough fight. Because the party is above all local. And here we are at I see I don’t see. They are there and they are not there. A downsizing of role. Local administrators count. Today expressed by the mayor’s personal lists. The civics. With names almost all ex piddini. There is a void of credibility, presence and quality. For Schlein, yet another test of leadership.
