All in 48 hours: after the dinner on Monday (unfruitful for now) between the leaders on the appointments to the EU summits, in rapid succession came the test of strength of the right-centre majority with the first yes to the (botched) Italian-style premiership and the final green light – and at night! – to the no less tangled differentiated regional autonomy. Lastly, the obvious start by the European Commission of the procedure against Italy (and 6 other countries) for the high deficit. And it cannot be ruled out that the yes to the autonomy dossier was hastily anticipated precisely to try to obscure the bad news coming from Brussels. This post-European vote is therefore crackling in which, as expected, all the issues come to a head. And for the Meloni government, after 19 months of relatively smooth sailing, the time has come to push into the open sea and demonstrate its real capabilities. It will be difficult to bring everything home: something will have to be left on the street. And the “what” and the “how” will decide the next fate of the country. Strengthened by the confirmation that came out of the polls, the prime minister and leader of Fdi has decided to start charging forward on the reforms (the separation of the careers of magistrates, dear to Fi, is also at stake), the measures that most mark the political nature of this coalition. Without reserving sufficient time for dialogue with the other parties and, indeed, marking the territory with shows of strength that plunged the parliamentary proceedings into scenes of brawl defined yesterday by President Mattarella as “unseemly”. If that wasn’t enough, to complicate the picture, everything happens in a phase in which Meloni is called to some definition of her eternal double nature: too moderate for her European friends, from Orban to Morawiecki (and now pressed by an exuberant Le Pen), and too extreme for others, in Italy as in Europe (see Scholz). Much has already been written about the reforms. In a ranking of preventive concerns, the premiership prevails over an autonomy that, in some way, already exists for healthcare (where the management of funds is currently local, decentralized) and for which it could be easier to adopt corrective measures in race. But the risks of further division of the country remain high. It remains to be hoped that the referendum initiatives already announced by the opposition will not further exacerbate the climate by raising the tone (can we really talk about “democracy under attack”?) and undermining its cohesion. As for public finances, it should be said that the accounts show the bill. If it is true that the prime minister will be able to find some “accommodating” solution at the European level (there are rumors of an eye from Brussels, with the attached designation of a “important” Italian commissioner, in exchange for a tacit green light for re-election of Von der Leyen), the fact remains that the questions hidden behind the procedure started yesterday, after the long pause of the pandemic, require a new elaboration of national policies. Also because, connected, there is another issue that sees us holding the hat in Brussels: obtaining an extension of the deadline, now at the end of 2026, of the programs financed with the Pnrr, given that we have so far spent not even 50 of the almost 195 billion available. Magic recipes do not exist. There is certainly a need to put a “burdened” State in good shape, with 1,100 billion in largely unproductive spending, while having the foresight to take measures to address the demographic problem, which will become increasingly pressing, and to safeguard together to the National Health System the real pockets of poverty in the country. It is an enormous task, for an entire legislature, which requires a “full” and non-partisan government culture. Moreover, in an international context destined to impose obligations that are perhaps still unknown. We have to start somewhere, of course. But it is also important to know how to correct yourself quickly if and when you take the wrong direction.
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