The political context, on the eve of the electoral deadlines, appears complex and confused as never before. So, to understand each other more, we asked for help from a qualified and attentive observer like Alessandro De Angelis.
Center-right serenely in government and the opposition evanescent: is this a realistic description?
«The feeling is that Giorgia Meloni is stronger than two years ago and I think the European Championships will confirm this. Not because she governs well, but because she is not “challenged”. In almost two years there has never been anything that has really put her in difficulty, that has shifted the balance, that has made her feel “threatened”. Think, for example, of when Berlusconi went back on article 18 after the demonstration at the Circus Maximus.”
Doesn’t this happen to Meloni because she’s good?
«No, simply because there is no alternative. She is not pursuing some grand design. She limited herself to implementing a two-faced posture: abroad, between Atlanticist positioning and European budget constraints, she is aligned, to use a term dear to Mario Draghi, and fortunately compared to what she claimed before. Alignment, not the protagonism that Italy could exercise, by vocation and position, in the wider Mediterranean”.
And the other side is domestic politics, I guess?
“Exact. The alignment could sound like a “betrayal” of some cornerstones of previous politics, from the Euro to Putin defined in his book as a “bulwark for the defense of Christianity”. And so to demonstrate to his people that “we are the ones who do not betray”, in Italy he uses identity themes: the security approach, since the rave parties, the rhetoric of the “hunt for smugglers”, the regressive approach on civil unions and abortion. In short, in Europe it is empty-handed on immigration and the stability pact, in Italy it puts on its helmet.”
Can it work forever?
«This obsession with coherence is a limit, because it does not know the concept of evolution. It’s called minorityism: giving up speaking to the whole country. In foreign policy she managed to emancipate herself, in internal politics she did not, because she was more conditioned by her tribes.”
Is this why you don’t call yourself anti-fascist?
«His reticent statement on April 25, where he does not mention the word anti-fascism, is exactly this: a way of claiming his extraneousness to the pact on which the Republic is founded. And in fact he wants to change the Constitution with his shoulders. The opposite of Fini who, upon reaching the top of the institutions, felt obliged to adhere to a system of shared values”.
However, “minoritarianism” is a party of almost 30 percent.
«Yes, you can be a minority even with 40, as a cultural approach. You propose the revenge of one part, not an overall plan. And in fact she has surrounded herself with a ruling class where loyalty is rewarded more than merit. It gives the illusion of a comfort zone, but it is a limit. Because, in the “one woman show” scheme, everything is placed on her shoulders.”
What if it was a clear strategy?
«His only strategy is not to be overtaken on the right by Salvini and Vannacci, which is why he does not abandon his anti-system narrative despite having adhered to the system in its fundamentals. Including conspiracy theories and siege syndrome. Have you noticed that Meloni never smiles in a public speech? She is always angry, it’s all a fight, an enemy, never once has she said “I look to the future with confidence”. The sovereignist cannot be optimistic, he must be angry by definition.”
One day someone might define Meloni as a great statesman.
«Greatness should be seen in more dangerous contexts, after all you are maintaining the consensus of the last elections. And above all, great statesmen measure themselves against reform plans, I don’t see anything similar here.”
How is Italy changing?
«The spread is under control, but from an economic-social point of view the country is extremely similar to what it was before. The proof is that it is not possible to spend the PNRR money even though it arrives. The inequalities are the same as before and I don’t see the announced meritocratic revolution. Instead I see many identity flags, such as the premiership. Furthermore, it is not clear how it will be reconciled with autonomy, the flag of the League.”
What does the opposition do?
«To put it simply, the large field is located between the minefield phase and the holy field phase. Never seen opposition like this. Not just divided, but disbanded, without a political-cultural axis and an overall vision. The icastic representation of the crisis is the secretary of the Democratic Party who had to run everywhere to challenge Meloni and instead ends up disheartened by her own party. Poor Berlinguer, hypocritically put on party cards… He would have sent them directly to the Frattocchie school.”
And Conte’s role?
«He is more skilled in this competition on the left. The Democratic Party has put itself in a situation where agreements are made on its terms or not. A trap due to Schlein’s choice to set up the entire strategy with the idea of recovering on the left, challenging Conte on his ground and not on a broad idea of the country. This has stressed the relationship with the Five Star Movement, making the alliance more difficult.”
What prospects, then, at a political level?
«We’ll talk about it again after the European Championships. And there would also be a lot to be said about how these elections were transformed into a national poll. Two wars, one in the heart of Europe, one in the Mediterranean, the possibility of Trump’s return, the breakdown of a world order: do you think anyone is talking about this?”.
What do you foresee at the European Championships?
«A record of abstentionism, because a provincial and mediocre political class has made them a competition separated from reality. They are a talk squabble, not a dispute between visions of Europe and the world.”
How did it come to this?
«It is the product of at least twenty years of depoliticization, anti-politics, transformism. The parties have been destroyed and this is the result. One fact: Giorgia Meloni, with all her limitations, is the most party leader of all, in the sense that she comes from the ranks. Maybe it’s not a coincidence. Where should the ruling classes come from if not from the parties?”.
Let’s close on the venue: have you ever been to the Langhe?
“Yes. And after a meeting with Oscar Farinetti, an absolutely talented entrepreneur, we promised to meet again for the presentation of a book there at his place. Excellent opportunity to nourish body and spirit.”
WHO IS
Deputy director of the Huffington Post, graduated “cum laude” in Contemporary History from the University of Bologna, he is an attentive and qualified observer of the national political scene. He proudly defines himself as “a student” of Emanuele Macaluso, with whom he collaborated on Il Riformista
WHAT DID HE DO
He wrote, among others, “La volta buon” (2014, Editori Riuniti) on the rise of Matteo Renzi and
“The communists and the party” (2002, Carocci) on the PCI
WHAT DOES HE DO
He is often a guest on the programs of Lilli Gruber and Giovanni Floris on La7, and writes editorials for La Stampa. He is the partner of Anna Maria Bernini, Minister of University and Research
