From the short-circuited Anti-Mafia comes a shock to Ilda Boccassini, under investigation in Florence for “false information to prosecutors”. An aggravating circumstance provided for by article 348 paragraph ter which for the former Milanese anti-mafia magistrate sounds like the worst of epitaphs. The notice of conclusion of the investigations into Silvio Berlusconi and Marcello Dell’Utri as alleged external instigators of the 1993 massacres that bloodied Italy would have reached her too. The news had been circulating for a couple of days.
The magistrate’s “fault” is having kept silent from the Florentine magistrates Luca Turco and Luca Tescaroli and from the national anti-mafia prosecutor’s office (which investigates the massacres and too many misdirections) the author of the source which in March 1994 fed the journalists of the Republic Attilio Bolzoni and Giuseppe D’Avanzo (died in 2011), revealing the contents of a report on Dell’Utri “emissary of the clans”, theoretically closed in the Boccassini safe, signed by the repentant Salvatore Cancemi, then regent of the Porta Nuova district, whose depositions they have never convinced either the investigators or the reporters who write about the mafia, as has the trail of Berlusconi as the instigator of the massacres wanted by Totò Riina and carried out through the boss Giuseppe Graviano, drowned in archiving and intermittent revelations like those of Salvatore Baiardo.
In her book La stanza numero 30 published in 2021, Boccassini had admitted to knowing the identity of the little hand who had helped the two reporters, because D’Avanzo would have revealed it to her before dying, inviting (in vain) the source to reveal himself. Between December 2021 and June 2022, as Nello Trocchia had reconstructed at the time in Domani, then taken up by Fatto, Bolzoni and Boccassini had been heard by the Tuscan prosecutors and those of Caltanissetta. Bolzoni opposed the “professional secrecy”, from the journalistic evidence of the time Ilda’s lack of collaboration had emerged, confirmed by the decision to include her in the register of suspects. He protects her, evidently, so that she can better clarify the reasons for the silence.
But why protect those who had destroyed an investigation? Il Giornale asked Tescaroli for feedback, who referred us to the chief prosecutor Filippo Spiezia, who did not reply. Ditto did Boccassini, who – according to a source close to her – has been silent for days.
Furthermore, looking at the reconstructions of the time, it is clear that there were more than one little hands. Repubblica, certainly on the right track, was wrong for days about the prosecutor who was investigating. It was the former director of the Giornale Augusto Minzolini, correspondent of the Press, who “forced” the then president of the Anti-Mafia commission Luciano Violante (who later resigned) to confirm the existence of an investigation. Who knows whether the Florence Public Prosecutor’s Office might feel the need to hear from him too, who knew about the manager of Publitalia ’80 «registered in the register of suspects of the Catania Prosecutor’s Office, not in that of Caltanissetta» and who told Minzolini that behind the investigation “there were no revelations from a repentant” but alleged “environmental interceptions”, underlining how the case should have come out “a few days before the vote, although the Prosecutor’s Office would have preferred to postpone it until after the polls”. Thus was revealed – for the first time – the common thread between the prosecutors and the left, convinced that with the judicial assault they would defeat the Knight. Never was a risk more fatal.
That mud earned him at least two million more votes.
